全文获取类型
收费全文 | 803篇 |
免费 | 36篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 32篇 |
工人农民 | 13篇 |
世界政治 | 5篇 |
外交国际关系 | 22篇 |
法律 | 375篇 |
中国共产党 | 14篇 |
中国政治 | 72篇 |
政治理论 | 59篇 |
综合类 | 247篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 6篇 |
2022年 | 4篇 |
2021年 | 4篇 |
2020年 | 8篇 |
2019年 | 8篇 |
2018年 | 16篇 |
2017年 | 18篇 |
2016年 | 8篇 |
2015年 | 11篇 |
2014年 | 27篇 |
2013年 | 67篇 |
2012年 | 57篇 |
2011年 | 57篇 |
2010年 | 49篇 |
2009年 | 63篇 |
2008年 | 69篇 |
2007年 | 80篇 |
2006年 | 67篇 |
2005年 | 63篇 |
2004年 | 74篇 |
2003年 | 37篇 |
2002年 | 23篇 |
2001年 | 9篇 |
2000年 | 6篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有839条查询结果,搜索用时 93 毫秒
1.
This paper examines the power to prorogue (or suspend) Parliament following the 2019 prorogation controversy in the UK. We outline the legal basis of prerogative-based prorogation, survey its uses in the UK and other Westminster systems, and compare it with equivalent rules in other European parliamentary democracies. The comparative perspective highlights the outlier status of the UK among comparable European democracies. In the UK, the absence of explicit legal limits on the use of prorogation gives the executive exceptional scope to employ the power for political purposes to sidestep Parliament. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for current discussions about the desirability of reforming the UK’s prorogation rules and placing express legal limits on the executive’s power. 相似文献
2.
In this Special Section, this article reviews South Korean views on Japan's ‘peace’ Constitution and the Abe government's attempts at constitutional reform. It identifies three different understandings among South Korean academics on why Japan is escalating attempts to revise the Constitution under the Abe government. An in-depth analysis demonstrates that all three perspectives pay specific attention to Japan's constitutional reform in relation to security policy changes. However, they differ in assessing the impact of Japan's constitutional reform on South Korea as well as how South Korea should deal with such a change. A minority opinion considers Japan's ‘remilitarisation’ through constitutional revision as conducive to South Korean security interests by increasing deterrence against North Korea, whereas the dominant opinion is that any attempt to revise the Constitution could be in and of itself a potential threat to South Korea's security due to a lack of trust attributed to unresolved historical conflicts between Korea and Japan. However, all three approaches pay hardly any attention to the positive role of Japan's peace Constitution while Japan's peace Constitution might provide a regional peace model in Northeast Asia. 相似文献
3.
影响宪法权威的因素有宪法规范上的原因、司法援引上的原因以及对宪法规范的实施所秉持的态度等,其中宪法规范的稳定性对于宪法权威的影响需要我们掌握正确的宪法稳定的认定标准,这对于维护宪法权威是至关重要的。另外,宪法的权威真正体现在社会生活之中,如何使宪法成为一个活的宪法,使宪法进入司法领域成为裁判的依据,发挥宪法作为法所具有的惩戒性、强制性的功能需要我们既要对现有的制度进行适当的完善,又要切实地落实现有的宪法规范所具有的制度意义。 相似文献
4.
赵海军 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2012,26(1):76-78
社会保障权是公民在年老、疾病或者丧失劳动能力的情况下,国家和社会给予物质帮助的权利.社会保障权既是社会权利、经济权利,更是宪法权利、基本权利.确立社会保障权的宪法地位对于发挥其保障作用尤为关键. 相似文献
5.
从理论创新的理论基础和时代背景看,社会主义初级阶段理论的形成发展,有着深厚的思想理论来源和鲜明的历史时代背景;就理论创新的实践基础而言,社会主义初级阶段理论是以国内外社会主义建设正反两方面的历史经验教训为历史根据,以新中国60多年特别是改革开放30多年的成功实践为实践基础。 相似文献
6.
Adam Evans 《议会、议员及代表》2019,39(1):98-112
Since 1997, the United Kingdom’s territorial constitution has undergone an immense process of change and has resulted in the establishment of separate legislatures and governments for the peoples of Scotland, Wales and, when Stormont is operational, Northern Ireland. These changes have spawned a whole series of relationships between the institutions of the devolved UK, at executive, legislature and civil service levels. However, while intergovernmental relations has been the subject of repeated debate, there has been little attempt to document and examine the way in which the UK’s four legislatures interact with one another, post-devolution. To the extent that these interactions, otherwise known as inter-parliamentary relations (IPR), have been the subject of scrutiny, it has been largely to bemoan their modest state and/or to suggest that stronger, albeit occasionally rather unelaborated, mechanisms be established. This article seeks to correct this deficit and provide a first step towards a clearer understanding of IPR in the UK, post-devolution. The article breaks the different levels of IPR down into three main strands: (1) parliament-parliament, (2) committee-committee and (3) official-official, and suggests that the main interactions that take place at each of these levels. Following this audit, the article concludes by highlighting the role that shared policy competence (a field that is set to grow with the UK’s withdrawal from the European Union) has played in driving IPR in the UK, post-devolution, and suggests some steps that may be taken to enhance IPR in the future. 相似文献
7.
Charlotte Murphy Ph.D. June Kenna M.Sc. Lorna Flanagan Ph.D. Marce Lee Gorman B.Sc. Clara Boland Ph.D. Jennifer Ryan Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(2):399-405
This study is the first to examine the background level of male DNA on underpants worn by females in the absence of sexual contact. Here, we examined 103 samples from the inside front of underpants from 85 female volunteers. Samples were examined for the presence of male DNA using NGM SElect and PowerPlex Y23 kits. Only five samples gave a “complete” Y-STR profile, even though 83.5% of our volunteers cohabited with a male. In all cases where a partner reference sample was available, the Y-STR profile matched the cohabiting partner. We have demonstrated that a Y-STR profile is not expected on the inside front of underpants worn by females after social contact alone. The results of this study are informative for evaluating the significance of a Y-STR profile on underpants in cases of alleged sexual assault. 相似文献
8.
Jasmine-Kim Westendorf 《Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding》2018,12(2):228-252
This article investigates whether a ‘light footprint’ approach to peacekeeping and peacebuilding by the international community more effectively addresses local drivers of conflict than the dominant model of large, multidimensional peace operations. It considers international engagement in the Nepalese peace process through the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), and argues that the international community’s approach to local ownership became more focused on non-imposition and therefore less politically engaged over time as a result of both local and international factors. This facilitated local elite ownership of the process, which fundamentally undermined the international community’s capacity to support peace consolidation as elites moved away from key transformational pledges of the peace settlement. 相似文献
9.
Yongwook Ryu 《The Pacific Review》2018,31(5):655-672
Why do conservative nationalists in Japan continuously seek to revise the constitution despite the past failures, and what is the likelihood of successful revision and its impact on Japan's norm of pacifism and its use of force? The article offers an analytical framework for the issue based on national pride and national security, and argues that the ‘revisionists’ seek to create a new national identity, one that infuses a greater sense of national pride among the public and enables the exercise of collective self-defense, thereby removing Japan's postwar psychological and institutional limitations on nationalism and military activities. The LDP's 2012 draft is most explicit and ambitious in this regard, with the current revision attempt under Abe having the highest chance of success since the 1950s. Successful revision would significantly expand Japan's security activities, particularly within the framework of the US–Japan Security Alliance, and entail the end of Japan's unique postwar institutionalized pacifism, although the norm of pacifism will linger on as a constitutional principle. For a smoother return to the international military scene, the Japanese government must distance itself from historical revisionism and utilize its enhanced military role to promote regional public goods rather than merely protecting its narrow national interests. 相似文献
10.
Matthew Woessner Kathleen H. Winters Kyle C. Kopko 《Journal of Political Science Education》2017,13(2):225-238
Undergraduate public law courses often attract students with competing expectations. Some students enroll in these courses to prepare for law school, while others enroll in the courses to gain a broader understanding of courts in the American system of government. These differing student constituencies can create a dilemma for instructors. A course designed to cater to students with a general interest in the judiciary may not afford prelaw students with an appreciation for the demands of the legal profession. Conversely, a course narrowly tailored toward prelaw students risks alienating the majority of students for whom this class may be their only look at the judiciary. As a means to promote pedagogical balance and to appeal to varied student constituencies, we profile five public law simulations in this article that engage students in active learning and promote a greater understanding of law and courts. 相似文献